The G20 Summit in Johannesburg took place on November 22–23, under the shadow of huge global geopolitical churning and a potential collapse of multilateral decision-making.
For one, there was a threat of the summit becoming a non-event due to the boycott of the US and its attempt to discredit South Africa by accusing the host country that suffered apartheid at the hands of the white Afrikaners till 1994, of committing “white genocide” against the Afrikaners! Further, the South African presidency wanted the first “African” G20 summit to focus on development issues of Africa as well as the Global South, especially debt sustainability, finance for just energy transitions, disaster resilience and use of critical minerals for African growth. The US rejected almost all its priorities and even called South Africa’s G20 theme of “solidarity, equality, and sustainability” as “anti-Americanism”.
The presidents of the US, China and Russia were no-shows. The Argentinian and the Mexican leaders also did not show up.
Furthermore, the Johannesburg Summit was the culmination of a cycle of Global South presidencies, including Indonesia, India, Brazil and South Africa. Lack of inclusivity has always been a shortening of G20, and this is what India bridged by inducting the African Union into G20 as well as holding the Voice of the Global South Summit for the first time during its presidency. This gathered steam, and many Global South issues were reflected in G20 summit texts in Brazil and now, in South Africa. However, the renewed marginalization of the voice of small developing States has been one of the most debilitating developments in the Trump 2.0 era — a collective abdication of responsibility by the West.
But, despite the last-minute drama by Argentina and a bid by an absent US to block a consensus on the outcome, it is to the immense credit of South Africa that the Leaders’ Declaration was finally adopted. With this, it is clear that announcements of the death of multilateralism are premature, and the withdrawal of the US has not dealt a death blow to either the G20 Summit in Johannesburg or the UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties in Belem, Brazil, as was widely feared. In fact, the summit brought out the strength of the middle powers to take the global agenda forward. As Canadian prime minister (PM) Mark Carney — no lover of the US administration — said, the Johannesburg Summit was a reminder that the center of gravity in the global economy was shifting.
PM Narendra Modi’s very presence at the G20 summit was an affirmation of India’s solidarity with South Africa, with their African agenda and the Global South. Unlike Brics, where India is busy fending off anti-US sentiments and the Chinese push after the expansion of Brics from five countries to 11, in G20, India has always been an anchor of stability and a voice of reason.
In a disruptive world, decisions are now taken unilaterally outside the mandate of relevant global institutions. For example, decisions on international peace and security are taken outside the UN Security Council (UNSC), or unilateral climate action by the developed world is taken outside the UN Climate Change Convention, or massive disruption of trade rules is happening outside the World Trade Organization framework. India and other middle powers ensured that this did not happen in the G20 summit, and Global South concerns were addressed.
PM Modi’s six-point agenda was welcomed: It included a global traditional knowledge repository; an Africa skills multiplier (one million trainers); a global health care response team; an open satellite data partnership; a critical minerals circularity initiative; and a G20 initiative to counter the drug-terror nexus. Apart from emphasizing climate action and food security, PM Modi called for revisiting development parameters and proposed “integral humanism” — viewing the individual, society and nature as one integrated system — as a guiding principle for growth.
A timely Indian proposal was the critical minerals circularity initiative to boost recycling, urban mining and second-life battery innovations and ease pressure on supply chains, which was endorsed by G20. Equally significant was the agreement on the sidelines between India, Australia and Canada for a new trilateral technology and innovation partnership (ACITI), which aims at critical and emerging technologies and building resilient supply chains — bringing friends and “former friends” together.
The main concern of the Global South now is undoubtedly that their modest gains will be lost under the US G20 presidency in 2026, which has already pledged to radically reduce the scope of G20, including possibly curtailing crucial developmental issues. If that happens, none of the G20 countries will be in any position to resist the American juggernaut.
The first post-Summit salvo has already been fired. Angered that South Africa “handed over” the presidency to the US only in their foreign office (since the US sent only an Embassy official to take over), President Donald Trump has sworn not to invite South Africa to the 2026 summit in his golf club in Miami. While the jury is still out on whether golfers among Heads of State will have the upper hand in the negotiations, the world cannot afford to let G20 go the way of UNSC, WTO and others to become a lame duck. But if that happens, countries will just have to wait out Trump 2.0, especially American allies who have taken a big hit.
While one year is a long time in geopolitics or in American politics, it is time that the middle powers become the fulcrum for a constructive agenda without being seen as a zero-sum game in relation to the US. With India coming under pressure from the US, China and in our neighbourhood, now is the time for New Delhi to further deepen its development partnership with the Global South and Africa. India’s proactive role is a must to navigate global geopolitical, geo-technological and geo-economic disruptions.
TS Tirumurti is a former ambassador and Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations, New York. The views expressed are personal
